Obama called this time “a new moment of promise.”

He told an intimately personal tale of his own family, and how the history of colonialism should not blur the aspirations of modern nations, pointing to Ghana as one that embraced democracy early.

“I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world,” said, whose mother came from Kansas, his father from Kenya. “I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family’s own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story. ”

He spoke of his grandfather, a cook for the British in Kenya called “boy” by his employers. He spoke of his father herding goats in a tiny village, and he spoke of the problems that have persisted across the African continent.

“It is easy to point fingers, and to pin the blame for these problems on others,” he said. “Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conflict, and the West has often approached Africa as a patron, rather than a partner.

“But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants,” he said. “Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or the need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections.”

This the text of the president’s address to the parliament of Ghana:

“Good morning. It is an honor for me to be in Accra, and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I’ve received, as are Michelle, Malia, and Sasha Obama. Ghana’s history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States.
I am speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia, for a Summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy, for a meeting of the world’s leading economies. And I have come here, to Ghana, for a simple reason: the 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra as well.
This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America’s. Your health and security can contribute to the world’s. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.
So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world – as partners with America on behalf of the future that we want for all our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility, and that is what I want to speak with you about today.
We must start from the simple premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans.
I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family’s own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.
My grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him “boy” for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya’s liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn’t simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade – it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.
My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at an extraordinary moment of promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father’s generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways. History was on the move.
But despite the progress that has been made – and there has been considerable progress in parts of Africa – we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya, which had a per capita economy larger than South Korea’s when I was born, have been badly outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent. In many places, the hope of my father’s generation gave way to cynicism, even despair.
It is easy to point fingers, and to pin the blame for these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conflict, and the West has often approached Africa as a patron, rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father’s life, it was partly tribalism and patronage in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is a daily fact of life for far too many.
Of course, we also know that is not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or the need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana’s economy has shown impressive rates of growth.
This progress may lack the drama of the 20th century’s liberation struggles, but make no mistake: it will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of another nation, it is even more important to build one’s own.
So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana – and for Africa – as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of promise. Only this time, we have learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa’s future. Instead, it will be you – the men and women in Ghana’s Parliament, and the people you represent. Above all, it will be the young people – brimming with talent and energy and hope – who can claim the future that so many in my father’s generation never found.
To realize that promise, we must first recognize a fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: development depends upon good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That is the change that can unlock Africa’s potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.
As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I have pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa’s interest and America’s. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of aid that helps people scrape by – it is whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change.
This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I will focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy; opportunity; health; and the peaceful resolution of conflict.
First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments.
As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: governments that respect the will of their own people are more prosperous, more stable, and more successful than governments that do not.
This is about more than holding elections – it’s also about what happens between them. Repression takes many forms, and too many nations are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves, or police can be bought off by drug traffickers. No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top, or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy, that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end.
In the 21st century, capable, reliable and transparent institutions are the key to success – strong parliaments and honest police forces; independent judges and journalists; a vibrant private sector and civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in peoples’ lives.
Time and again, Ghanaians have chosen Constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously, and victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process.
Across Africa, we have seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three quarters of the country voted in the recent election – the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person’s vote is their sacred right.
Make no mistake: history is on the side of these brave Africans, and not with those who use coups or change Constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.
America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation – the essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. What we will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance – on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard; on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting, automating services, strengthening hotlines, and protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.
As we provide this support, I have directed my Administration to give greater attention to corruption in our Human Rights report. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don’t, and that is exactly what America will do.
This leads directly to our second area of partnership – supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.
With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base for prosperity. The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities – or on a single export – concentrates wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.
In Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and infrastructure; when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.
As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we will put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. That is why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers – not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it is no longer needed.
America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; and financial services that reach poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interest – for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, new markets will open for our own goods.
One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and conflict. All of us – particularly the developed world – have a responsibility to slow these trends – through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.
Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and help countries increase access to power while skipping the dirtier phase of development. Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and bio-fuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coast to South Africa’s crops -Africa’s boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.
These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They’re about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to the market; or an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It’s about the dignity of work. It’s about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.
Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it is also critical to the third area that I will talk about – strengthening public health.
In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn’t kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.
Yet because of incentives – often provided by donor nations – many African doctors and nurses understandably go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. This creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.
Across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care – for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.
America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy. Because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience and our common interest. When a child dies of a preventable illness in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.
That is why my Administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges. Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and eradicating polio. We will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won’t confront illnesses in isolation – we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness, and focus on the health of mothers and children.
As we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings – and so the final area that I will address is conflict.
Now let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at war. But for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.
These conflicts are a millstone around Africa’s neck. We all have many identities – of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. Africa’s diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God’s children. We all share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families, our communities, and our faith. That is our common humanity.
That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systematic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. All of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.
Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, Ghana is helping to point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon, and in your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational force to bear when needed.
America has a responsibility to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there is genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems – they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response. That is why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy, technical assistance, and logistical support, and will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa and the world.
In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. That must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don’t, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict, and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.
As I said earlier, Africa’s future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. In my country, African-Americans – including so many recent immigrants – have thrived in every sector of society. We have done so despite a difficult past, and we have drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos; in Kigali and Kinshasa; in Harare and right here in Accra.
Fifty-two years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: “It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice.”
Now, that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. And I am particularly speaking to the young people. In places like Ghana, you make up over half of the population. Here is what you must know: the world will be what you make of it.
You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can. Because in this moment, history is on the move.
But these things can only be done if you take responsibility for your future. It won’t be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you. As a partner. As a friend. Opportunity won’t come from any other place, though – it must come from the decisions that you make, the things that you do, and the hope that you hold in your hearts.
Freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom’s foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say that this was the time when the promise was realized – this was the moment when prosperity was forged; pain was overcome; and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Thank you. ”

“Well, no, I don’t think it would be fair to say it was half,” the president told an interviewer for Sky News. “You know, I never lived here. I didn’t visit until I was in my mid-twenties. But I think that it is a source of inspiration, it’s also a place that, because of my familial connection you know, I think I feel very personally when I think about children who aren’t getting opportunities, when I think about the problems of HIV/AIDS, or issues of corruption. These are things that people I know, family members of mine, have experienced. It’s not something I see in abstract terms.”

Obama also was asked by the British interviewer, Adam Boulton, if the first African-American president represents a “post-racial America.”

“I don’t use that term,” Obama replied. “Just because it somehow implies that the door is closed to any issues related to race. And I just don’t think that’s true. But I do think there is no doubt that my election signifies extraordinary progress, progress that my grandparents or Michelle’s grandparents could have never have imagined.”

The president also visited Cape Coast Castle in Ghana with his young daughters — the colonial era castle housed dungeons where Africans were held for the trans-Atlantic slave trade – and had this to say in a public statement after the visit:

“You know, I think it was particularly important for Malia and Sasha, who are growing up in such a blessed way, to be reminded that history can take very cruel turns, and hopefully one of the things that was imparted to them during this trip is their sense of obligation to fight oppression and cruelty wherever it appears, and that any group of people who are degrading another group of people have to be fought against with whatever tools we have available to us.”

The castle stop came up in the interview as well. Here, courtesy of Sky News, is the transcript of Political Editor Adam Boulton’s interview with the president in Ghana:

ADAM BOULTON: Mr President thank you for talking to Sky News both in Britain and of course in many countries in Africa. Could I ask you first of all, as the ‘first son of Africa’, if you like, to be President of the United States, how does it feel to be paying your first visit as President to Africa?

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well obviously the welcome in Ghana has been extraordinary. People have been gracious and so thoughtful. To be able to bring my children here and to experience, for example, this castle and to understand that particular story of the African Diaspora, I think is something that will stay with them for a long time. And hopefully the message we’re also sending is that the United States is committed to Africa. We want to be a partner, not to dictate how Africa moves forward but to be there in a relationship of mutual responsibility and mutual respect.

AB: I mean what does Africa mean to you? Is it half of you?

OBAMA: Well, no, I don’t think it would be fair to say it was half. You know, I never lived here. I didn’t visit until I was in my mid-twenties. But I think that it is a source of inspiration, it’s also a place that, because of my familial connection you know, I think I feel very personally when I think about children who aren’t getting opportunities, when I think about the problems of HIV/AIDS, or issues of corruption. These are things that people I know, family members of mine, have experienced. It’s not something I see in abstract terms.

AB: Yet sometimes reading your first book and also even listening to you today talking about corruption, there’s a degree of impatience to a certain extent.

OBAMA: Well I think that’s right. There is impatience. You know my general attitude is that there is just so much promise here. I remember the first time that I travelled as a U.S. Senator to Kenya, we had our American press pool with us and some of the reporters came back to me and said, you know we were talking to people on the streets and it’s amazing how well informed these folks are and they’re up on not just Kenyan politics but U.S. politics. And I said you’re right, these are folks of extraordinary talent and capacity. And the problem is that they don’t have institutional structures that allow them to thrive. And it is up to governments and leaders to, not do for people, but to give them the opportunity where if they work hard and are willing to put in some sweat that they can succeed. And not enough of that has been done here…

AB: Yeah there’s Somalia, Sudan, Zimbabwe, corruption, despotism.

OBAMA: Yeah. And at some point despite the tragic history of Africa, we have to say that the days of colonialism are over, that Africa has the resources and the talent necessary to move forward and it’s time to go ahead and get things done. And for those of us in the West, I think our obligation is to on the one hand say we are committed to working with you and we will provide you assistance where possible. But it’s got to be a mutual responsibility to lift up the continent.

AB: You mention colonialism. It’s been alleged that you don’t like the Brits because what they did to your grandfather.

OBAMA: Yeah, I’ve always been curious about this allegation. I love the Brits! And I think I’ve shown my affection every time I’ve travelled there but yeah, I think this is an example of Fleet Street trying to sell newspapers.

AB: But also, I mean, there must be some resentment in countries that were —

OBAMA: Well, no, I mean look, the notion that somehow I would judge countries at this point based on what happened a hundred years ago is not something that would make much sense.

AB: Can I ask you on the other front, we’re here at a slave fortress at which many Africans Americans started their journey to America and I think your own wife has said she can’t trace her family, she didn’t know how they got there. We saw you going round with your children, your family. Pretty sombre experience for you all.

OBAMA: Well sombre but I think instructive. I’m glad my children came because part of what I try to communicate to them is that slavery, like the Holocaust, like other instances of extraordinary cruelty, can happen anywhere, any place, and is usually rooted in one group of people asserting superiority over another group of people. And I want them to learn very early how dangerous that mindset can be. And to fight against it.

AB: What should the fact of slavery, I think you called it the United State’s original sin once, what should that mean to African Americans today?

OBAMA: Well, I think that it is important to understand that history and not paper it over. On the other hand I think it should be a source of great inspiration for black and white Americans…that we have been able to overcome so many of the remnants of slavery. Not all. We still have instances of discrimination. There are still structural inequalities that grew out of the history of slavery and discrimination…

AB: Do you represent post-racial America?

OBAMA: Well…I …rarely…I don’t use that term. Just because it somehow implies that the door is closed to any issues related to race. And I just don’t think that’s true. But I do think there is no doubt that my election signifies extraordinary progress, progress that my grandparents or Michelle’s grandparents could have never have imagined.

AB: Just one final question on Africa…suggestion coming that actually if you look at the amount of aid flowing in, if you look at even the optimistic, what’s going through Congress at the moment, proposals on climate change…they won’t go nearly far enough to save this continent.

OBAMA: Well, you know, Africa is often troubled but always resilient. And I think that we have to, in the West, on issues like climate change, take seriously our obligations – our carbon footprint is far larger than the African carbon footprint is. And we’re already seeing some effects here in Africa from a warming planet. So we’ve got a special obligation, but I’m confident that as difficult as it is, working together, that we can not just save Africa, but save ourselves.

AB: And the bill – is it enough?

OBAMA: Well, the…it is the first step in what will be a long journey.

AB: Moving on to Afghanistan…the United States has paid a much higher price in lives in both Iraq and Afghanistan, than Britain. You’ve had more troops there. Yet this week, there have been 15 deaths in fewer days and the number of British military killed in Afghanistan now exceeds Iraq. A growing number of people at home who are just saying we haven’t got this mission right, perhaps we don’t have the strength or the support that we need. What do you say to that?

OBAMA: Well first of all, my heart obviously goes out to the families of those British soldiers. And Great Britain has played an extraordinary role in this coalition. Understanding that we cannot allow either Afghanistan or Pakistan to be a safe haven for Al Qaeda. Those who would, with impunity, blow up train stations in London or buildings in New York. And so we’ve got a core mission that we have to accomplish. We knew that this summer was going to be tough fighting, that there was an interest in the Taliban exerting control, they have I think been pushed back, but we still have a long way to go. We’ve got to get through elections. The most important thing we can do is to combine our military efforts with effective diplomacy and development, so that Afghans feel a greater stake and have a greater capacity to secure their country. And post-election, once the election’s taken place in September in Afghanistan, I think we need to start directing our attention to how do we create an Afghan army, an Afghan Police. How do we work with the Pakistanis effectively, so that they are the ones who are really at the forefront of controlling their own countries.

AB: You’ve been speaking to Gordon Brown. Have you been asking him to strengthen the force in Afghanistan?

OBAMA: You know we had a conversation early on while I was still doing a review, to make sure that I had his insights and ideas about how to approach this. We think that the British have made an extraordinary contribution. I think that all of us are going to have to do an evaluation after the Afghan election to see what more we can do. It may not be on the military side. It may be on the development side providing Afghan farmers alternatives to poppy crops, making sure we’re effectively training a judiciary system and a rule of law in Afghanistan that people trust. So there are a whole range of ways that coalition members are going to be able to —

AB: But do you need the British forces? I mean you’ve taken over from them in Basra, you’ve now leading the mission in Helmand.

OBAMA: Well look, the contribution of the British is critical. This is not an American mission. The mission in Afghanistan is one that the Europeans have as much, if not more, of a stake in than we do. Certainly the Afghans as well as the Pakistanis have more of a stake than we do. The likelihood of a terrorist attack in London is at least as high, if not higher, than it is in the United States. And that’s the reason why Tony Blair and Gordon Brown and others have made this commitment. It’s not because they wish to put their young men and women in harm’s way, it’s because of a recognition that we’ve got a serious fight on our hands and we’ve got to deal with it smartly, but we’ve got to deal with it effectively.

AB: Final question because I am keeping you from Air Force One, President Assad last week invited you on Sky News to start negotiating face to face and to go to Syria. Are you going to accept that invitation?

OBAMA: Well, you know I think that we’ve started to see some diplomatic contacts between the United States and Syria. There are aspects of Syrian behaviour that trouble us and, you know, we think that there is a way that Syria can be much more constructive on a whole host of these issues. But, as you know, I’m a believer in engagement and my hope is that we can continue to see progress on that front.

AB: Thank you very much for engaging with us.

OBAMA: Thank you, I enjoyed it.

In an Op-ed essay appearing in newspapers today, the president says this of the $787-billion economic stimulus plan enacted in February: “The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act was not expected to restore the economy to full health on its own but to provide the boost necessary to stop the free fall.

“So far, it has done that. It was, from the start, a two-year program, and it will steadily save and create jobs as it ramps up over this summer and fall. We must let it work the way it’s supposed to, with the understanding that in any recession, unemployment tends to recover more slowly than other measures of economic activity.”

Yet something is missing in this piece, the most recent of a series of Op-ed articles that Obama has signed since his inauguration, the way the Senate minority leader’s office sees it:

“Noticeably absent from the president’s op-ed on the stimulus today are the words “save or create 3.5 to 4 million jobs,” Don Stewart of Minority Leader Mitch McConnell’s office notes.

“In their place, a new definition of success for the stimulus: “it will steadily save and create jobs as it ramps up over this summer and fall.” Just “jobs” not “millions of jobs?” Stewart writes this morning, “Oh, and apparently, the stimulus was only supposed to provide “the boost necessary to stop the free fall.”

This is the text of the president’s Op-ed essay:

“Nearly six months ago, my administration took office amid the most severe economic downturn since the Great Depression. At the time, we were losing, on average, 700,000 jobs a month. And many feared that our financial system was on the verge of collapse.

The swift and aggressive action we took in those first few months has helped pull our financial system and our economy back from the brink. We took steps to restart lending to families and businesses, stabilize our major financial institutions, and help homeowners stay in their homes and pay their mortgages. We also passed the most sweeping economic recovery plan in our nation’s history.

The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act was not expected to restore the economy to full health on its own but to provide the boost necessary to stop the free fall. So far, it has done that. It was, from the start, a two-year program, and it will steadily save and create jobs as it ramps up over this summer and fall. We must let it work the way it’s supposed to, with the understanding that in any recession, unemployment tends to recover more slowly than other measures of economic activity.

I am confident that the United States of America will weather this economic storm. But once we clear away the wreckage, the real question is what we will build in its place. Even as we rescue this economy from a full-blown crisis, I have insisted that we must rebuild it better than before. For if we do not seize this moment to confront the weaknesses that have plagued our economy for decades, we will consign ourselves and our children to future crises, sluggish growth, or both.

There are some who say we must wait to meet our greatest challenges. They favor an incremental approach or believe that doing nothing is somehow an answer. But that is exactly the thinking that led us to this predicament. Ignoring big challenges and deferring tough decisions is what Washington has done for decades, and it’s exactly what I sought to change by running for president.

Now is the time to build a firmer, stronger foundation for growth that not only will withstand future economic storms but that helps us thrive and compete in a global economy. To build that foundation, we must lower the health-care costs that are driving us into debt, create the jobs of the future within our borders, give our workers the skills and training they need to compete for those jobs, and make the tough choices necessary to bring down our deficit in the long run.

Already, we’re making progress on health-care reform that controls costs while ensuring choice and quality, as well as energy legislation that will make clean energy the profitable kind of energy, leading to whole new industries and jobs that cannot be outsourced.

And this week, I’ll be talking about how we give our workers the skills they need to compete for these jobs of the future. In an economy where jobs requiring at least an associate’s degree are projected to grow twice as fast as jobs requiring no college experience, it’s never been more essential to continue education and training after high school. That’s why we’ve set a goal of leading the world in college degrees by 2020. Part of this goal will be met by helping Americans better afford a college education. But part of it will also be strengthening our network of community colleges.

We believe it’s time to reform our community colleges so that they provide Americans of all ages a chance to learn the skills and knowledge necessary to compete for the jobs of the future. Our community colleges can serve as 21st-century job training centers, working with local businesses to help workers learn the skills they need to fill the jobs of the future. We can reallocate funding to help them modernize their facilities, increase the quality of online courses and ultimately meet the goal of graduating 5 million more Americans from community colleges by 2020.

Providing all Americans with the skills they need to compete is a pillar of a stronger economic foundation, and, like health care or energy, we cannot wait to make the necessary changes. We must continue to clean up the wreckage of this recession, but it is time to rebuild something better in its place. It won’t be easy, and there will continue to be those who argue that we have to put off hard decisions that we have already deferred for far too long. But earlier generations of Americans didn’t build this great country by fearing the future and shrinking our dreams. This generation has to show that same courage and determination. I believe we will.”

Obama spoke during an afternoon celebration of his historic election, featuring musicians led by Bruce Springsteen and Beyonce as well as famous actors, all entertaining an estimated half-million people on the National Mall with songs and readings aimed at capturing the gravity of the moment.

Obama, the first African-American to be elected president, looked out at the sea of people and told them, “What gives me hope is what I see when I look out across this mall. For in these monuments are chiseled those unlikely stories that affirm our unyielding faith _ a faith that anything is possible in America.”

He gazed fleetingly at the Washington Monument in the distance. “Rising before us stands a memorial to a man who led a small band of farmers and shopkeepers in revolution against the army of an empire, all for the sake of an idea,” he said.

He looked at the World War II memorial down the mall, “a tribute to a generation that withstood war and depression, men and women like my grandparents who toiled on bomber assembly lines and marched across Europe to free the world from tyranny’s grasp.”

And just before him, he saw the reflecting pool, “a pool that still reflects the dream of a King, and the glory of a people who marched and bled so that their children might be judged by their character’s content.”

Finally, Lincoln — “watching over the union he saved,” Obama said, “sits the man who in so many ways made this day possible.”

Remember their struggles, Obama urged the crowd, and remember the “thread that binds us together in common effort, that runs through every memorial on this mall,” and offers a lesson that “there is no obstacle that can stand in the way of millions of voices calling for change.”

Washington was crackling with energy on Sunday. The crowd chanted “O-bam-a” after his speech, and the echoes were audible several blocks away. The people sang along with Pete Seeger, Springsteen and others in a rousing chorus of “This Land is Your Land.”

Obama, staying with his family at Blair House across from the White House, began his day at Arlington National Cemetery’s Tomb of the Unknowns, where he and Vice President-elect Joseph Biden laid a wreath.

Obama then headed to the Nineteenth Street Baptist Church, one of the city’s most historic African-American churches. Organized 170 years ago, it has been an important player in the city’s cultural and religious life.

Hundreds were packed into the sanctuary when Obama, his wife Michelle, their two daughters and Marian Robinson, Obama’s mother-in-law, entered and took seats in the second row, near the altar. “God has prepared you and placed you,” Senior Pastor Derrick Harkins said. “God will not forsake you,” he said. “Go forward in prayerfulness and faithfulness.”

He spoke of those who turned away from what he called the “flowery bed of ease” to champion justice _ civil rights icon Rosa Parks; Nazi resistance hero Dietrich Bonhoeffer and King, whose 80th birthday is being celebrated Monday.

“Perhaps, just perhaps, you are where you are for just such a time,” Harkins said.

Sunday afternoon, Obama joined the throng at the Lincoln Memorial, site of the August 28, 1963 “March on Washington” that featured King’s “I Have a Dream” speech.

The Obamas and the Bidens sat in a glass-enclosed area to the left of the faux marble stage, and heard actor Denzel Washington open the program by noting that “we are inspired by the man we have elected to be the 44th president of the United States of America.”

Out came Springsteen, backed by a predominantly African-American choir, and they sang “The Rising,” his ode to America’s efforts to deal with the aftermath of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

Other readings and songs followed, as Queen Latifah recalled how Marian Anderson sang there on Easter Sunday in 1939 after the Daughters of the American Revolution refused her permission to sing before an integrated audience at nearby Constitution Hall.

Actor Samuel L. Jackson observed that “Martin Luther King did not live to see his dream fulfilled. His dream is being realized by all of us being here today.” Next came Bono of rock band U2, who said that on Tuesday, “that dream comes to pass.” Beyonce ended the two-hour event by leading everyone in “America the Beautiful.”

The crowd had gathered early on a cloudy day when temperatures stayed in the 30s, but nothing seemed to bother them.

Geoff Keough and Lauren Gaudio dressed for the occasion in red, white and blue floral leis, American flag eye masks, and for Keough, a spangled Uncle Sam top hat. They brought hot coffee.

Dawn Arrington was not happy about the long security lines, but figured it was worth the wait. “I think it’s a trial run for Tuesday,” she said of the concert and its logistical aggravations. “How could we not make it?”

City residents were grateful for Obama’s Sunday schedule. Local resident Faye Roberson said many in the capital, particularly those living in its most poverty-stricken neighborhoods, shared key elements of Obama’s biography.

“Obama can understand people trying to feed their families,” said Roberson, who has lived here for 40 years.

Sue Williams of nearby Alexandria, Va. agreed. The federal employee was heading for the Mall with her sister and parents, who had come from Massachusetts for the inauguration. They were covered in a flurry of Obama pins, hats and other paraphernalia.

“Obama can help elevate the credibility of this country around the world,” Williams said. “There’s an underlying sense of hope and optimism that I’ve never seen before.”

(Erika Bolstad and Jack Chang contributed to this story)

Bush’s move sets the stage for Obama to get swift access to the $350 billion and the opportunity to overhaul the much-criticized rescue package after taking office next Tuesday. Obama said that it would be “irresponsible … to enter into the administration without any potential ammunition should there be some sort of emergency or weakening of the financial system.”

Congress, where the use of the money has met stiff bipartisan skepticism, has 15 days to vote to reject the request. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., was considering holding a vote on a resolution of disapproval as early as Thursday in hopes it would be defeated, thus making the funds available about a week after Obama inherits one of the worst financial crises in U.S. history.

“It is clear that the financial system, although improved from where it was in September, is still frail,” Obama said, a few hours after seeking Bush’s help in requesting the money.

Several officials said the president-elect intends to visit the Capitol on Tuesday to attend a weekly closed-door meeting of Senate Democrats. The meetings often vary widely in topics to be discussed, although it seemed likely Obama would make the case for the bailout funds if the subject came up.

Separately, a Republican official said Obama was dispatching top aides to meet with the Senate GOP rank and file as early as Wednesday to try to win as many GOP votes as possible.

The officials spoke on condition of anonymity, saying they were not authorized to discuss the events.

If Congress goes along, Obama would have a huge cache of bailout money at his disposal — and much more to come in the approximately $800 billion economic stimulus bill that Democratic congressional leaders promise to finish by mid-February. Congress also is racing to have ready for Obama a $35 billion health insurance program for children.

Obama acted quickly, sending prompt reassurances to congressional leaders that the money would aim to help free credit for small businesses and consumers and reduce the rising number of foreclosures. Separately, Larry Summers, Obama’s choice for National Economic Council director, said the new president intends to also impose tougher restrictions and oversight on how the money is spent.

“Many of us have been disappointed with the absence of clarity, the lack of transparency, the failure to track how the money’s been spent and the failure to take bold action,” Obama said.

In a letter to congressional leaders, Summers said an Obama administration would “launch sweeping efforts to address the foreclosure crisis” and, in a bow to Republican critics of the plan, said it would seek to replace the government money with “private investments as quickly as possible.”

Obama and the Bush administration had been negotiating for days on how and when to seek access to the second half of the Troubled Asset Relief Program. His economic team also has been working with congressional Democrats, in particular House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank, D-Mass.

Frank has introduced legislation that would require at least $40 billion of the money be used to reduce the number of foreclosures. His legislation also would set new conditions on institutions that receive the money, including limits on executive compensation. Frank’s committee is holding a hearing on the program on Tuesday and the House is scheduled to vote on his legislation this week.

“We should not allow our disappointment at the Bush administration’s poor handling of the TARP program to prevent the Obama administration from using the funds in more appropriate ways,” Frank said in a statement Monday.

But other lawmakers were hardly supportive.

House Republican leader John Boehner of Ohio warned that it would be irresponsible to spend the money without a plan showing how the government would eventually extricate itself from underwriting the financial markets.

“I remain disappointed about the way TARP has been managed and how its resources have been spent over the last several months,” he said. He added: “I will oppose the release of these taxpayer funds when the matter is considered on the House floor.”

Even Democratic allies have been wary.

Sen. Barbara Boxer, D-Calif., said she told Obama Monday morning that she had been hesitant, but liked the changes he was proposing.

“I’m leaning in favor after speaking with him,” she said. “I mean I have to hear what he says.”

At his news conference Monday, Bush defended his handling of the first $350 billion.

“I readily concede I chucked aside some of my free market principles when I was told by chief economic advisers that the situation we were facing could be worse than the Great Depression,” the president said.

But he credited the program so far with improving the credit environment, saying that “lending is just beginning to pick up.”

Congress approved the program in October, authorizing $700 billion to assist the financial industry.

The current administration has already committed the first $350 billion, using it to inject capital into banks with few strings attached and to bail out ailing financial companies considered too big to fail without further damage to the economy. A small portion of the money has gone to automakers General Motors Corp., and Chrysler LLC.

___

Associated Press Writers Julie Hirschfeld Davis and Erica Werner contributed to this report.

Members of his party are doing their best to appeal for the funds without appearing greedy, ungrateful or hostile to their new leader.

“If I was a top adviser to the president elect, I wouldn’t necessarily be advocating saving those dollars,” said Raymond Buckle, chairman of the New Hampshire Democratic Party.

“It was critically important that we not repeat what happened in ‘93, ‘94,” when President Bill Clinton held the purse strings and Democrats lost 54 U.S. House seats and eight senators during midterm elections.

“We need the resources to build the national grass roots network for the Obama agenda. We need to make sure the president is successful and that the administration fulfills his promises,” Buckley said.

The Democratic National Committee is carrying about $5 million in debt, with almost $12 million cash on hand. DNC officials say they expect to have the debt paid by the end of the year.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign CommitteeDemocratic Senatorial Campaign Committee is nearly $13 million in debt. carries some $19 million in debt and less than $3 million on hand. The

Obama raised more than $745 million during his marathon campaign, more than twice the amount obtained by his rival, Republican John McCain. In his latest finance report, Obama reported raising $104 million in more than five weeks immediately before and after Election Day.

“This is the first presidential candidate and president who has not been publicly financed in the general election,” said Ken Gross, a former Federal Election Commission lawyer. “Every other president since Jimmy Carter has not had excess funds.”

Obama opted not to participate in public funding system. In exchange, he was able to continue raising money, while McCain accepted $84 million in taxpayer money, and the spending restrictions that went with it, through the public financing system.

“The only example that comes to mind is John Kerry,” Gross said. “He finished his primary campaign with a $15 million surplus. That created some grumbling, since he lost.”

Democrats blamed Kerry’s loss, in part, on a campaign hierarchy that didn’t spend wisely or aggressively. Kerry’s own campaign chairman, Terry McAuliffe, called it “gross incompetence to hoard that money when the race was bound to be so close.”

Obama aides are aware of the stigma and don’t want to appear inelegant or selfish. They are weighing whether to keep the money to build a massive grass roots program to support his agenda, or to cycle that money to the party apparatus. Both ideas have strong advocates, but it’s unclear to those involved which way Obama will go.

“We aren’t in a position to announce what the next steps for our organization are today, but are continuing a dialogue with our supporters about their vision for how we move forward,” said Obama spokesman Ben LaBolt.

Party officials around the country say the campaign leaders have signaled they shouldn’t expect the money to come to them directly, if at all. Instead, many party officials expect Obama to use his funds to advance his own priorities, to support his massive Internet-based organization and to have cache for special causes. With almost 4 million donors, Obama’s fundraising list could prove golden for future Obama-backed drives.

“Right now, it looks like the sky is the limit,” Gross said.

Obama aides emphasize the campaign expects to continue having expenses, along with tax obligations and political operations. They also say Obama has little interest in bankrolling state committees or individual candidates. Those involved say the logical option is the Democratic National Committee, although no one is pressing for a quick transfer.

On Wednesday, Obama send a fundraising e-mail to his supporters asking them to help retire that debt by buying coffee mugs or fleece sweat shirts. Obama and Democratic aides alike say they would use similar efforts going forward, but were aware that asking too often could dilute the effectiveness of the list.

Legally, Obama can donate the extra money to charity, transfer it to another political campaign, or dole it out in $2,000 increments to local candidates, Gross said.

“That’s not too attractive, but it’s something,” Gross said.

His remarks followed comments from his brother, President Raul Castro, who told a U.S. magazine he could meet Obama in a “neutral place” to try to end the Communist-run island’s four-decade conflict with the United States.

“With Obama, talks could happen anywhere he wants,” Fidel Castro, America’s longtime Cold War enemy, wrote in the latest of a series of columns he has published in state-run media since falling ill in 2006.

“He should remember the carrot-and-stick approach will not work with our country,” Castro wrote of Obama. “The sovereign rights of the Cuban people are not negotiable.”

Fidel Castro, who took power nearly 50 years ago after an armed revolution, has not been seen in public since undergoing surgery for an undisclosed illness in July 2006. But he has met several state leaders and appeared in photographs.

Obama, who takes office on January 20, has raised hopes of improved U.S.-Cuba ties by saying he was open to talks with the Cuban government and has favored easing some U.S. sanctions.

He has said he will reverse the U.S. administration’s policies restricting Cuban Americans from visiting Cuba and sending cash to their families. He is willing to talk to Castro but would keep the four-decade-old U.S. trade embargo as leverage to influence changes in the one-party state.

Raul Castro formally took over the Cuban presidency in February and has said several times Havana is willing to talk to the United States.

Before the U.S. presidential election last month, Fidel Castro praised Obama as intelligent and humanitarian in the columns that have become his main form of communication.

Raul suggested in the interview he could meet Obama in Guantanamo Bay, where the United States maintains a naval base, which Cuba considers a violation of its sovereignty.

(Reporting by Patrick Markey; editing by Todd Eastham)

It afforded me a new paradigm, a new way of thinking about my place in society. It also gave me the best insight into his problem solving skills. Jeremiah Wright was the problem, the Philadelphia speech was the solution.

I’m convinced McCain made the same mistake Hillary made. He didn’t take Obama seriously until it was almost too late. If you’ve watched McCain on the stump over the past few days, he’s clearly taking him seriously now.

When he rolled out the Paris Hilton ad several months ago, I told friends at the time it was a mistake. My reasoning was simple. He was going to have to face Obama during the debates and people would see for themselves that Obama isn’t an empty suit. What was he going to do then?

Then he spent a week assaulting Obama about “Lipstick on a pig.” I watched in horror as the press justified its coverage of this nonstory. But more to the point, it went to my objection to the entire approach. It lacked seriousness.

One might argue that the selection of Sarah Palin as his running mate was the penultimate example of the McCain’s refusal to take this election seriously. But it may have simply been a mistake. It’s interesting to consider that the only two women ever to make it on the ticket of a major party, were unable to convince the public they were up to the job. In 1984 it was Geraldine Ferraro, in 2008, Sarah Palin.

Obama seems to have an uncanny ability to get his opponents to underestimate him. That’s at least one “Obama effect” but there are others. I mentioned above the effect he’s had on me.

One of my readers sent me a photo array of a group of supporters called “Rednecks for Obama.” In my previous post, I mentioned another group known as “Racists for Obama.” Obama supporters have reported encounters with “Racists for Obama” while canvassing. They even have their own acronym – C.H.A.N.G.E. (Come Help a N*gger Get Elected). They throw around the N word with abandon when talking to canvassers, but insist they fully intend to vote for Obama on Election Day.

Professional pollsters have taken an acute interest in “Racists for Obama.” They estimate that some 23% of voters with “negative views of African Americans” will pull the lever for Obama. Personally, I have mixed feelings about it. But considering that McCain’s chief pollster, Bill McInturff, all but declared that he’s counting on these voters on Election Day, I’d just as soon they voted for Obama.

We mustn’t confuse “Rednecks for Obama” with “Racists for Obama.” The photos I have show Rednecks for Obama wearing T-Shirts, wielding banners and shaking Obama’s hand at rallies, smiling all the while. Obviously, a redneck ain’t necessarily a racist.

There’s been much discussion of something called “the reverse Bradley effect.” Tom Bradley was the African American former Mayor of Los Angeles who was 7 points up in the polls in California, only to lose a tight race to his white opponent, George Deukmejian. This led to speculation that many whites simply lied to pollsters.

Conservative Washington Post columnist Kathleen Parker cites a number of “mostly white-collar men and women who speak republican in public” but who tell her privately that they will vote for Obama. But as we’ve seen, there are lots of blue collar workers poised to do exactly the same thing; some privately, others not so privately. I call it the Obama Effect. It means different things in different circumstances, but it all seems to be adding up to the same thing. Change.

The first, sent to us by a reader and designed by Tor Myhren who is Chief Creative Officer for Grey Advertising in New York, asks you to imagine what the issues would be if Obama were white and John McCain were black.

The second, which we found posted on Houston street in Manhattan last night, imagines Obama as a cholo and offers him as the best candidate for “El Presidenté” (with an inappropriate accent mark. Whoops.)

We did a little googling and found out it was designed by a hair stylist named David Cordova in Los Angeles. He said in an interview that his motivation was getting hispanics to vote for Obama. Both are traffic stopping to be sure.

Check them out after the jump and be sure to vote tomorrow if you haven’t already.

Here’s the Obama cholo poster in color, but not very big.